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counterpunch, 27 janvier 2014

Egypte : Chronicling the Counter-Revolution

par Musa AL-GHARBI


Polling station officials count ballots in Cairo on 15 January 2014

To be clear, the Egyptian military does not aspire towards total control of the state, with all of the responsibilities entailed thereby —what they want, what they have always wanted, is to be beyond accountability to the civilian population, to have their budget immune to external oversight or reduction, to reserve the right to intercede as they deem necessary in the political affairs of the state without any reciprocal checks by legislators, and to respond with impunity against those whom they deem to be a threat to their social order. It was in the service of these ends that they deposed Husni Mubarak : a maneuver designed to preserve, not change, the status quo. In the aftermath of their first coup they unyieldingly struggled to limit the civilian government from exerting any meaningful control over critical state institutions —efforts which were bolstered by other elements of the “deep state” with complimentary vested interests in perpetuating the existing order— culminating in a second coup against Egypt’s first democratically-elected president less than a year into his term. It’s been a tumultuous affair, but it appears as though the junta’s efforts have paid off.


Egypte

Among the primary grievances of the protestors in Egypt and across the MENA region was the corruption and overreach of the military, police, and intelligence services. Nonetheless, Egypt’s new draft constitution renders all of these institutions completely unaccountable to the civilian populace or their elected representatives. Not only does the constitution enshrine the al-Selmi communiqué with regards to the military, it also expands many of its key provisions to the police, judiciary, and religious authorities. It allows all of these actors to substantially intervene in the civilian government while preventing said government from interfering in these institutions. In this vein, it establishes the indefinite power of the military to arrest and try civilians while rendering not only the military, but also the police, immune to civilian prosecution.

Supporters of Egypt’s army and police gather at Tahrir square in Cairo, Saturday 25 January 2014

Of course, one of the key aspirations of the coalition who rallied to overthrow Mursi was to establish Egypt as a secular state —these protestors will find their aspirations dashed as well. Sure, the draft does include provisions which prohibit the participation of political parties “formed on the basis of religion” —an article which will certainly be used as the legal pretext to abolish the Freedom and Justice Party and any other political force with perceived organizational or ideological ties to the Muslim Brotherhood ; even in the absence of this legal framework, the Brothers have been persecuted relentlessly since the coup which removed Muhammad Mursi (contrary to the rhetoric, the Brotherhood remains popular : after all, if few Egyptians supported them there would be little need to exclude the Brothers from elections –they would fail on their own. They are being banned, not because the people hate them, but on the contrary, because so many continue to support them). However, considering the vast sums of aid (already in excess of $16 billion) being poured into the country by Saudi Arabia in order to stave-off Egypt’s imminent collapse (and therefore, an authentic revolution), we can expect that the salafi al-Nour party will be mysteriously exempt from this new provision. Clearly, this is their understanding as well, as they have unequivocally endorsed the draft constitution, just as they endorsed the coup —shrewdly angling for greater influence for themselves and their Saudi benefactors. The army, for its part, is trying to lure the Islamists to their side in a bid to alienate the Brotherhood.

Supporters of Egypt’s army and police gather at Tahrir square in Cairo, Saturday 25 January 2014

That is, the laws are not about establishing Egypt as a secular state —instead, they are designed to exclude particular influential political forces from the public sphere ; consider :

The new military constitution also declares the sharia as the foundation of all of Egypt’s law. While the language assigning the responsibility of interpreting these laws to al-Azhar has been removed, considering that al-Azhar is THE center for Islamic jurisprudence in Egypt (and for much of the Sunni world), this redaction is little more than cosmetic. In fact, the religious authorities have played a central role in legitimizing the coup and subsequent crackdown –as a reward, the new draft actually places al-Azhar’s leadership beyond the sphere of civilian accountability as well and permits only those imams with credentials from al-Azhar to preach, granting them a virtual monopoly over Egypt’s primary religion. They could never have dreamed of such influence under Mursi. Simultaneously, the constitution restricts the right to worship exclusively to the three Abrahamic religions : Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Even some from among these religions may be excluded on the basis that they are not “proper” Muslims, Christians, etc. –in fact, these efforts are already well-underway.

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AUTEURS 

  • Musa AL-GHARBI

  • Accueil

    éditeur : Frank Brunner | ouverture : 11 novembre 2000 | reproduction autorisée en citant la source